By Andrea Wagner, MacEwan University and Anna Brigevich, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, The Conversation
The rise of populism has received extensive academic and media attention. Research into the uses of “populism” in news media indicates that it predominantly has a disparaging connotation and is rampantly misused.
Furthermore, the media’s narrative around populism often makes use of cataclysmic language through metaphors that insinuate natural disasters.
Does the media’s careless and all-too-frequent use of the word affect how news audiences interpret it?
A 2020 analysis of 1,037 newspaper articles found that the terms “populism” or “populist” were often used in attention-grabbing headlines, and not further mentioned nor articulated in the body of the article.
This contributes to the kind of ambiguity that removes the opportunity for a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the concept among readers.
How do citizens perceive populism?
Our recent research on this issue started from the premise that debates about populism within academia and the media may not accurately reflect public perceptions of the concept.
We wanted to know how citizens perceive populism and what they associate it with. Do they think of it in positive or negative terms, or are they neutral, undecided or uninformed about it?
To address our research question, we drew on an original public opinion survey in four countries where populist movements, people and parties have moved into the mainstream: Canada, the United States, France and Italy. A random sample of 4,000 people — a thousand per country — were invited to complete the survey.
Our findings revealed that a significant proportion of respondents (67 per cent) are uninformed about the meaning of populism. Conversely, a vast majority of misinformed people (22 per cent) mistakenly equate populism with concepts such as “population” or “popularity,” most likely because of media coverage that frequently conflates these terms.
Just 11 per cent of respondents correctly defined populism, linking it to concepts of people-centrism and anti-elitism.
Regional variations
We observed notable cross-country and regional differences in our research.
North Americans are more likely to admit that they don’t know what populism is and less likely to associate the term with demagoguery. Americans have the most positive — albeit incorrect — perception of the term, equating it with everything from popularity to wokeism, socialism and extreme right-wing politics.
Canadians are the most likely to associate populism with fascism, extremism and American president-elect Donald Trump. We attribute this to the fact that both Canadian media and global news outlets have drawn parallels between Trump and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre as populists.
European respondents are united in their strong association of populism with demagoguery and nationalism/patriotism, with Italians in the lead on both counts. The French have the lowest correct associations with the term, and the highest proportion of respondents equating it with “population.”
But French respondents are also the least likely to equate the term with democracy and the most likely to connect it with racism and xenophobia. This is almost undoubtedly the result of how the French media portrays right-wing politician Marine Le Pen and her National Rally party.
Italian contradictions
Italians are the most likely to provide a correct definition of the term, exhibit the lowest number of “I don’t knows” and are the least likely to associate it with popularity.
But Italian respondents also present an interesting contradiction. While they link populism with demagoguery, and have the highest proportion of responses that reference a specific leader (far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, for example), they are the most likely to equate the term with democracy and least likely with fascism.
They are also the most likely to associate the term with the left, and least likely to associate it with the right. In this way, Italians defy expectations of how we thought media coverage was impacting public opinion.
Despite the media consistently branding Meloni a populist and Benito Mussolini’s successor, it appears that Italians do not hold her in the same light.
3 misperceptions
We identify three types of misperceptions regarding populism.
First, self-identified populists tend to emphasize themes of democracy, community, giving a voice to the people, equality, hope and leadership, rather than echoing the nativist or xenophobic sentiments often linked to right-wing populism.
Contrary to the prevailing academic and media portrayals of populism’s ills, its supporters view it as a positive and constructive force. They therefore may gravitate towards populist leaders primarily because they see them as champions of values they cherish. Populists in all four countries see populism as a tool for political and social engagement, rather than merely a platform filled with divisive rhetoric.
Second, many respondents equate populism with radical right- and left-wing ideologies, or with related concepts such as nationalism, nativism, fascism/extremism and xenophobia/racism.
Third, populism is often tied to prominent political leaders, such as Trump, Le Pen, Meloni and Poilievre, reflecting the importance of leadership in shaping public perceptions of the concept.
For many, this leader-centric understanding resonates deeply. Critics of populism frequently associate it with negative traits like deception and demagoguery and view populism as a serious challenge to the principles of liberal democracy.
Some argue that resistance to populism is largely driven by perceptions of its nativism and xenophobia. Our research provides empirical support for this argument.
Viewed with disdain
Our findings reveal that across all four countries, there is a notable sense of disdain for populist supporters on the part of anti-populists.
Many anti-populists associate the word “populism” with “hypocrisy,” “political hypocrisy” or “fanaticism.” Generally, many Americans in this group reduced populism to the MAGA-affiliated right wing, “extremism,” “far-right extremism,” “fascism,” “tyranny,” “demagoguery,” “might over rights” and “white exceptionalism.”
Similarly, Canadians saw populism either as demagogic action targeting the uneducated, large-scale political manipulation or divisive fear-mongering and deception. Other respondents saw populism as an obtuseness about democracy and had a harmful impact on democratic life and development.
In all four countries, anti-populists draw parallels between populism and fascism, propaganda, dictatorship, totalitarianism, Nazism, nationalism and white supremacy.
The antagonism we have uncovered suggests a deep-seated aversion that goes beyond mere political disagreement, hinting at a fundamental social and ideological rift. Additionally, this pattern of disdain highlights the importance of understanding the psychological and cultural underpinnings that drive strong anti-populist sentiments.
Andrea Wagner, Associate Professor, Political Science, MacEwan University and Anna Brigevich, Associate Professor of European Studies, Norwegian University of Science and Technology
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
