{"id":277702,"date":"2020-12-04T09:14:39","date_gmt":"2020-12-04T14:14:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=277702"},"modified":"2020-12-04T09:14:39","modified_gmt":"2020-12-04T14:14:39","slug":"democracy-is-under-siege-in-both-the-united-states-and-peru","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2020\/12\/04\/democracy-is-under-siege-in-both-the-united-states-and-peru\/","title":{"rendered":"Democracy is under siege in both the United States and Peru"},"content":{"rendered":"<figure id=\"attachment_277703\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-277703\" style=\"width: 640px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><a href=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/117969720_1258635344487276_6418918328310335944_n.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-277703\" src=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/117969720_1258635344487276_6418918328310335944_n.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/117969720_1258635344487276_6418918328310335944_n.jpg 640w, https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/117969720_1258635344487276_6418918328310335944_n-200x300.jpg 200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\" \/><\/a><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-277703\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Peru, former president Martin Vizcarra had been pushing an anti-corruption agenda in the country. His proposals caused him to clash with two subsequent congresses. (File <a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/MartinVizcarraC\/photos\/1258635341153943\">photo<\/a>: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/MartinVizcarraC\/\">Mart\u00edn Vizcarra\/Facebook<\/a>)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.v-dem.net\/media\/filer_public\/de\/39\/de39af54-0bc5-4421-89ae-fb20dcc53dba\/democracy_report.pdf\">A recent report<\/a> by the group Varieties of Democracy has revealed that currently there are more non-democratic than democratic countries, and a majority of the world\u2019s population lives under a non-democratic regime.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s the first time this has happened since 2001.<\/p>\n<p>Hungary recently became the first European Union country to be considered an authoritarian regime. Latin America has also regressed to worse non-democratic levels than were seen in the early 1990s. The decline of democracy around the globe is evident.<\/p>\n<p>But it\u2019s also important to understand that legal actions can also be used to undermine democracy and that the systematic erosion of democratic norms and institutions is as much a problem for western countries as it is for any other region of the world.<\/p>\n<p>There are two recent high-profile examples of democracy in decline in the Americas: Peru and the United States. The political crisis in Peru has resulted in the fourth president in four years \u2014 including <a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/world\/2020\/11\/20\/peru-third-president-francisco-sagasti\/\">three within one week<\/a>. The electoral process in the United States, meanwhile, has been under fire for years leading up to and during the latest election.<\/p>\n<p>But little to no attention has been paid to the situation in either Peru or the U.S. by the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.oas.org\/\">Organization of American States<\/a> (OAS) which, under the <a href=\"http:\/\/www.oas.org\/en\/democratic-charter\/#whatis\">2001 Inter-American Democratic Charter<\/a>, is supposed to ensure that democracy is upheld in the Americas.<\/p>\n<p>The OAS normally calls out things like <a href=\"https:\/\/www.idea.int\/publications\/catalogue\/role-organization-american-states-promoting-democracy\">the erosion of the democratic order<\/a>. This is fundamental because currently few autocracies would proudly claim to be staging a coup or to be using military means to achieve their political goals \u2014 they\u2019d use more subtle tactics of the type being seen in recent years in Peru and the U.S.<\/p>\n<h2>Vizcarra accused of \u2018moral incapacity\u2019<\/h2>\n<p>In Peru, former president Martin Vizcarra had been pushing an anti-corruption agenda in the country. His proposals caused him to clash with two subsequent <a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/world\/the_americas\/perus-president-dissolved-congress-then-congress-suspended-the-president\/2019\/10\/01\/7b404cd6-e451-11e9-b0a6-3d03721b85ef_story.html\">congresses<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Both tried to remove him from office using a broad interpretation of the term \u201cmoral incapacity,\u201d a constitutional provision that allows for a president\u2019s removal. Moral incapacity, however, was only supposed to be used for issues of mental deterioration, which do not apply to Vizcarra.<\/p>\n<p>Although Vizcarra was able to successfully suspend the first Congress and call for parliamentary elections, the second Congress managed to remove him from office due to corruption allegations against him. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.idea.int\/publications\/catalogue\/role-organization-american-states-promoting-democracy\">More than half the members of the second Congress, meanwhile, were themselves the subjects of open judicial investigations<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>After Vizcarra\u2019s removal, the head of Congress at the time, Manuel Merino, was established as the new president of the country. After just one week of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/2020\/11\/14\/americas\/peru-protests-political-crisis-intl\/index.html\">pro-democracy protests<\/a>, at least two deaths, several wounded civilians and even some forced disappearances, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-latin-america-54953546\">Merino was forced to resign<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>He was replaced by Francisco Sagasti. Sagasti was one of the 19 members of Congress who consistently voted against Vizcarra\u2019s removal.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s clear that Peruvian laws were used by different groups within Congress to seize political power against the wishes of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.idea.int\/publications\/catalogue\/role-organization-american-states-promoting-democracy\">the majority of the citizens of the country<\/a>. These actions subverted democracy and caused episodes of violence that undermined fundamental rights.<\/p>\n<h2>Using laws to erode democracy<\/h2>\n<p>The United States also seems to also have a problematic record of using laws to undermine democracy.<\/p>\n<p>Several investigations show that there are systematic attempts to stop racialized people from voting, including <a href=\"https:\/\/civilrights.org\/resource\/democracy-diverted-polling-place-closures-and-the-right-to-vote\/\">the closure of 1,688 polling places from 2012 to 2018<\/a>. Furthermore, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.americanprogress.org\/issues\/democracy\/news\/2019\/10\/01\/475166\/impact-partisan-gerrymandering\/\">partisan gerrymandering<\/a> \u2014 the practice of politicians reshaping or manipulating voting maps to their benefit \u2014 is a well-known problem that favours the Republican Party and has an impact on electoral outcomes.<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, the U.S. Supreme Court \u2014 most of its judges Republican appointees \u2014 ruled that federal courts are powerless to hear challenges to gerrymandering because they presented \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.supremecourt.gov\/opinions\/18pdf\/18-422_9ol1.pdf\">political questions beyond the reach of the federal courts<\/a>.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>But even this pales in comparison to President Donald Trump\u2019s continuing lies that the election he lost on Nov. 3 was \u201crigged\u201d and overrun with voter fraud, claims that have been consistently <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dw.com\/en\/us-pennsylvania-michigan-courts-reject-donald-trump-election-fraud-cases\/a-55597851\">dismissed by the courts<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Trump has been relentless in these claims, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2020\/12\/02\/us\/politics\/trump-election-video.html?action=click&amp;module=Top%20Stories&amp;pgtype=Homepage\">recently taking to social media to post a 46-minute diatribe of baseless allegations.<\/a> Leading up to the vote, Trump also promoted what some have rightfully called <a href=\"https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/video\/watch\/voter-intimidation-returns-to-america\">voter intimidation<\/a>.<\/p>\n<div data-react-class=\"Tweet\" data-react-props=\"{&quot;tweetId&quot;:&quot;1334240039639937026&quot;}\">\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n<p dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Statement by Donald J. Trump, The President of the United States<\/p>\n<p>Full Video: <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/EHqzsLbbJG\">https:\/\/t.co\/EHqzsLbbJG<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/Eu4IsLNsKD\">pic.twitter.com\/Eu4IsLNsKD<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u2014 Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/realDonaldTrump\/status\/1334240039639937026?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">December 2, 2020<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<p>For now, democracy is still standing in both Peru and the U.S. But the lack of action by the OAS on either situation reveals there are other issues to consider beyond the theft of power in the Americas.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s ever clearer that the undermining of democracy across the region has been occurring by attempts to use laws solely for political gain, not with tanks and missiles \u2014 and in plain sight.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" style=\"border: none !important;margin: 0 !important;max-height: 1px !important;max-width: 1px !important;min-height: 1px !important;min-width: 1px !important;padding: 0 !important\" src=\"https:\/\/counter.theconversation.com\/content\/150111\/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\" \/><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https:\/\/theconversation.com\/republishing-guidelines --><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/profiles\/jorge-h-sanchez-perez-1030896\">Jorge H. Sanchez-Perez<\/a>, Ph.D. Candidate &#8211;\u00a0School of Humanities,\u00a0Department of Philosophy, Instructor &#8211; Philosophy Department and Peace Studies Program, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/institutions\/mcmaster-university-930\">McMaster University<\/a><\/em> and <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/profiles\/denisse-rodriguez-olivari-854949\">Denisse Rodriguez-Olivari<\/a>, PhD candidate in Political Science, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/institutions\/humboldt-university-of-berlin-1261\">Humboldt University of Berlin<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>This article is republished from <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\">The Conversation<\/a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/democracy-is-under-siege-in-both-the-united-states-and-peru-150111\">original article<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A recent report by the group Varieties of Democracy has revealed that currently there are more non-democratic than democratic countries, &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":277703,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-277702","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news","category-news-w","mauthors-jorge-h-sanchez-perez-mcmaster-university","mauthors-denisse-rodriguez-olivari-humboldt-university-of-berlin","mauthors-the-conversation"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277702","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/44"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=277702"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277702\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":277704,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277702\/revisions\/277704"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/277703"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=277702"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=277702"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=277702"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}