{"id":267167,"date":"2020-08-31T09:02:51","date_gmt":"2020-08-31T13:02:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=267167"},"modified":"2020-08-31T09:02:51","modified_gmt":"2020-08-31T13:02:51","slug":"china-wants-to-be-a-friend-to-the-pacific-but-so-far-it-has-failed-to-match-australias-covid-19-response","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2020\/08\/31\/china-wants-to-be-a-friend-to-the-pacific-but-so-far-it-has-failed-to-match-australias-covid-19-response\/","title":{"rendered":"China wants to be a friend to the Pacific, but so far, it has failed to match Australia’s COVID-19 response"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a>
FILE: China says President Xi Jinping (Photo: President Xi Jinping Greets Secretary Tillerson) [Public domain]<\/a>)<\/figcaption><\/figure>The photo of the Chinese ambassador to Kiribati walking on the backs of schoolboys<\/a> caused a storm on social media earlier this month. Some saw it as a symbol of China\u2019s sinister intentions in the Pacific and others argued it reflected local customs<\/a> which should be respected.<\/p>\n

The Chinese foreign ministry said<\/a> in its defence,<\/p>\n

We fully respect local customs and culture when interacting with the Pacific countries. When in Rome, do as the Romans do.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Let\u2019s set aside the argument over the incident itself. I\u2019d just note in passing there were several occasions when, as a senior Australian representative in the region, I had to quietly back away from ceremonies where my involvement could have sent the wrong signal.<\/p>\n

The foreign ministry\u2019s statement raises a more important point. As a genuine regional partner, it\u2019s not enough for China to \u201cdo as the Romans do\u201d. Those who aspire to a meaningful partnership with the Pacific also need to be clear about what they stand for themselves.<\/p>\n

What then, does China stand for in the Pacific? Does it really have what it takes to be a constructive, long-term partner for the region?<\/p>\n

What does China want from the Pacific?<\/h2>\n

There\u2019s been no clear answer to the first question from Beijing, apart from broad statements about \u201cmutual respect and common development<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n

China maintains it does not have strategic interests in the region, and that its engagement there is simply a function of its growth.<\/p>\n

Many observers point to its hunger for resources, however, and believe its growing military engagement in the Pacific betrays a long-term objective to establish a naval base<\/a> there \u2014 an unthinkable outcome for Australia.<\/p>\n

Others say China\u2019s financial aid is essentially \u201cdebt-trap diplomacy<\/a>\u201d, with unsustainable loans providing a pathway for China to control the strategic assets of Pacific states.<\/p>\n

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\nRead more:
\nWhy China’s ‘debt-book diplomacy’ in the Pacific shouldn’t ring alarm bells just yet<\/a>
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\n<\/em><\/p>\n

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The Lowy Institute has shown that China has not been a major driver<\/a> behind rising debt in the Pacific, but it nevertheless has a responsibility to help prevent future debt risks. The scale of its lending patterns \u2014 and the absence of mechanisms to protect recipients from debt \u2014 present substantial hazards for some countries.<\/p>\n

There\u2019s been no sign yet that Beijing is prepared to collaborate with western donors as they engage with regional countries to mitigate these risks. This would signal China cares about the region\u2019s sustainability \u2014 an important qualification for a genuine partner.<\/p>\n

A top-down approach isn\u2019t going to be effective<\/h2>\n

Chinese representatives sometimes struggle to understand that centralised control is not the Pacific way. In the commercial sphere, effective partnerships require patient management of multiple stakeholder relationships \u2014 with landowners, local authorities and environmentalists.<\/p>\n

In Papua New Guinea, however, Chinese firms like Shenzen Energy<\/a> and Ramu Nickel<\/a> have been disappointed that agreements they have signed with the country\u2019s prime minister haven\u2019t guaranteed smooth project implementation.<\/p>\n

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\nRead more:
\nChina’s push into PNG has been surprisingly slow and ineffective. Why has Beijing found the going so tough?<\/a>
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\n<\/em><\/p>\n

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China also showed great frustration<\/a> in the Solomon Islands when provincial leaders thanked Taiwan for coronavirus-related aid, which was delivered after the national government had switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing.<\/p>\n

Success also requires conscious support for national development aspirations and a willingness to lean in at difficult moments.<\/p>\n

Australia and New Zealand don\u2019t always escape criticism from the region; climate change<\/a> and labour market access continue to be sore points.<\/p>\n

But over time, these traditional partners have shown their commitment to the region\u2019s development through the investment of billions of dollars. They have helped run elections, repeatedly deliver disaster relief and mount stabilisation missions in regional hot spots.<\/p>\n

This kind of comprehensive partnership, recently reaffirmed in a new economic and strategic development agreement signed between Australia and PNG<\/a>, is outside Beijing\u2019s traditional comfort zone.<\/p>\n

China hasn\u2019t stepped up with real coronavirus support<\/h2>\n

The current pandemic poses very serious risks to the fragile economies of the Pacific. It\u2019s an important moment for regional partners to show their commitment.<\/p>\n

Beijing has highlighted its Pacific Conference on COVID-19<\/a>, a video link-up in May between the Chinese vice foreign minister and senior Pacific representatives, as a sign of its support for the region.<\/p>\n

But there were no substantive outcomes, and despite multiple press releases, China appears to have announced<\/a> only A$3.5 million in virus-related regional support.<\/p>\n

\n


\n
\nRead more:
\nHow might coronavirus change Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’?<\/a>
\n<\/strong>
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

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This contribution by the world\u2019s second-largest economy is about half what one Australian mid-sized company has committed in COVID-19 support to PNG alone<\/a>.<\/p>\n

It also pales in comparison to the A$100 million that Australia announced<\/a> in March would be redirected from existing aid programs to mitigate the regional effects of the virus.<\/p>\n

Australia has also stepped up in other practical ways, for instance, by processing some coronvirus tests<\/a> from the Pacific, sending rapid diagnostic testing equipment<\/a> to the region and deploying Australian Medical Assistance Teams to support PNG\u2019s response to rising cases there<\/a>.<\/p>\n

And perhaps most notably, Australia announced recently it will deliver a future coronavirus vaccine<\/a> to the people of the Pacific, once it\u2019s approved.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n

China might actually have some things to offer the region, including lessons from its highly successful development model.<\/p>\n

But it will need to be more thoughtful about the region\u2019s actual needs and aspirations if it wants to build a substantial and effective partnership with the Pacific in the wake of this pandemic.\"The<\/p>\n

Ian Kemish<\/a>, Former Ambassador and Adjunct Professor, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of Queensland<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

This article is republished from The Conversation<\/a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The photo of the Chinese ambassador to Kiribati walking on the backs of schoolboys caused a storm on social media …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":96779,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-267167","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news","category-news-w","mauthors-ian-kemish-the-university-of-queensland","mauthors-the-conversation"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/267167","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=267167"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/267167\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":267168,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/267167\/revisions\/267168"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/96779"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=267167"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=267167"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=267167"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}