{"id":265657,"date":"2020-08-18T04:27:03","date_gmt":"2020-08-18T08:27:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=265657"},"modified":"2020-08-18T04:27:03","modified_gmt":"2020-08-18T08:27:03","slug":"after-trump-and-brexit-the-coming-of-the-progressive-wave","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2020\/08\/18\/after-trump-and-brexit-the-coming-of-the-progressive-wave\/","title":{"rendered":"After Trump and Brexit: The coming of the progressive wave"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>In 2016, it seemed to some like the world turned upside down.<\/p>\n<p>Donald Trump was elected by a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/election\/2016\/results\/president\">slim margin<\/a> to the White House. The <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/politics\/eu_referendum\/results\">Brexit referendum<\/a> pushing the United Kingdom to leave the European Union passed. A year later, Marine LePen, a far-right xenophobic candidate, made a surprising showing in the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2017\/apr\/23\/france-presidential-le-pen-macron-melenchon-fillon-first-round-vote\">French election<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Many of the explanations for this seemingly strange historic turn are based on short-term events. The pundits focus on simple observations, <a href=\"https:\/\/fivethirtyeight.com\/\">poll and survey numbers<\/a> and the latest outrage on social media that might ephemerally change a voter\u2019s mind. This kind of punditry essentially turns politics into a horse race.<\/p>\n<h2>Cycle of populism repeats throughout history<\/h2>\n<p>In my 2019 book, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.peterlang.com\/view\/title\/70266\"><em>The Great Disruption: Understanding the Populist Forces Behind Trump, Brexit, and LePen<\/em><\/a>, I point out that populism has occurred throughout history, from Julius Caesar and Napoleon to Andrew Jackson, Juan Per\u00f3n and Adolf Hitler.<\/p>\n<p>The basic parameters are as follows: long-term, widespread disillusionment threatens the basic legitimacy of a political economic system. Charismatic outsider figures appear to claim they\u2019ll save the day, promising, as Trump did, that they alone can fix it and will engage in widespread reforms (\u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/news\/the-fix\/wp\/2018\/05\/24\/trump-promised-to-drain-the-swamp-the-swamp-seems-to-be-doing-fine\/\">drain the swamp<\/a>\u201d).<br \/>\nThe message resonates because a significant proportion of society no longer believes the existing system is capable of reform. Populist leaders step in to embody the needs and frustrations of large disaffected groups without representing anything in particular.<\/p>\n<h2>Scapegoating<\/h2>\n<p>The most potent weapon is scapegoating unseen forces (\u201ccriminal immigrants\u201d or the \u201cDeep State\u201d); once those forces are stopped, they argue, we will return to better times (\u201cmake America great again\u201d). False nostalgia ignores what life was really like.<\/p>\n<p>Trump\u2019s story fits the historical pattern to a tee.<\/p>\n<p>He is a wealthy scion, but one who never held political office. He has oratory and entertainment skills, particularly in front of a large crowd; what appears as negativity is a lightning rod for some who have nursed decades of pent-up frustrations and a feeling of being unheard.<\/p>\n<p>Like all populists with no track record, Trump could not only condemn the system but promise the moon: universal health care at low cost; a renewed respect for American power around the world while making others pay their \u201cfair share\u201d; getting rid of lobbyists and special interests; rocket-fuelled economic growth; stopping crime and helping minorities to move up; balancing the budget, etc.<\/p>\n<figure><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/XQFItVBKlAU?wmode=transparent&amp;start=0\" width=\"440\" height=\"260\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><figcaption><span class=\"caption\">Trump promises universal health care in 2016. Courtesy of Great Yet.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>As a blank slate, those who feel downtrodden could project whatever wishes they wanted upon him.<\/p>\n<h2>A global trend<\/h2>\n<p>It wasn\u2019t limited to Trump. The recent global populist moment features characters as diverse as Nigel Farage, Viktor Orb\u00e1n, Rodrigo Duterte and Jair Bolsonaro, right-wing politicians in the U.K., Hungary, the Philippines and Brazil respectively.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><em><br \/>\n<strong><br \/>\nRead more:<br \/>\n<a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/why-we-cant-just-blame-rising-inequality-for-the-growth-of-populism-around-the-world-120951\">Why we can&#8217;t just blame rising inequality for the growth of populism around the world<\/a><br \/>\n<\/strong><br \/>\n<\/em><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>This wave of populism can\u2019t just be the result of the re-emergence of white racism (or \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/2016\/11\/11\/us\/obama-trump-white-backlash\/index.html\">whitelash<\/a>\u201d) in the U.S., since it happened around the world at roughly the same time.<\/p>\n<p>As I explain in my book, living and working populations have become more diverse across the West than at any time previously in history. A Black president and the dismantling of Confederate monuments would have been unthinkable just two decades ago. There is still egregious race and gender bias, but most Americans accept <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/interactive\/2020\/06\/10\/upshot\/black-lives-matter-attitudes.html\">Black Lives Matter<\/a>, #MeToo and LGBTQ rights as legitimate.<\/p>\n<p>Trump\u2019s evocation of race, as in his recent suggestion that he would stop minorities from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.politico.com\/news\/magazine\/2020\/08\/06\/suburbs-history-race-politics-391966\">bringing crime to suburbs<\/a>, is completely out of touch with the present reality. His wielding of race without a winning economic record is a losing ticket.<\/p>\n<p>Undoubtedly, Trump\u2019s cronies will blame the COVID-19 pandemic for his impending loss. But it is his lack of skill at governance, on the coronavirus and countless other fronts, that will lead to his electoral disaster. In fact, polls have had his <a href=\"https:\/\/www.realclearpolitics.com\/epolls\/other\/president_trump_job_approval-6179.html\">disapproval rating<\/a> at above 50 per cent since February 2017.<\/p>\n<h2>Constant stream of lies<\/h2>\n<p>For a populist, suggesting false remedies such as hydroxychloroquine or bleach is part of the misinformation playbook, a constant stream of lies that the media repeats to great ratings, creating confusion about what is true.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><em><br \/>\n<strong><br \/>\nRead more:<br \/>\n<a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/when-trump-pushed-hydroxychloroquine-to-treat-covid-19-hundreds-of-thousands-of-prescriptions-followed-despite-little-evidence-that-it-worked-140156\">When Trump pushed hydroxychloroquine to treat COVID-19, hundreds of thousands of prescriptions followed despite little evidence that it worked<\/a><br \/>\n<\/strong><br \/>\n<\/em><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>When used against personal opponents, such as 2016 presidential primary opponent Ted Cruz \u2014 whose father Trump accused of being involved in the Kennedy assassination \u2014 the narrative feeds into <a href=\"https:\/\/www.pbs.org\/wgbh\/frontline\/film\/united-states-of-conspiracy\/\">grand conspiracy theories<\/a> used to explain why populists are so ineffective once in office.<\/p>\n<p>Populists are only <em>against<\/em> the system, they aren\u2019t <em>for<\/em> anything in particular, as reflected in Trump\u2019s ever-changing personnel, messaging and strategy.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s similar to how Brexit supporters were against the hollowing-out of the economy in key sectors and regions of the U.K., blaming it on foreigners, but not really for any particular post-EU configuration.<\/p>\n<p>Populists inevitably fail because they don\u2019t know how to govern. They paradoxically have to use the instruments of governance to reform government, an inherent contradiction doomed to fail.<\/p>\n<h2>Counter-movements<\/h2>\n<p>I point to five underlying forces that represent the global systemic crisis and foreshadow the progressive evolution of western society:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>Rising inequality and a decline in middle-class mobility.<\/li>\n<li>The related collapse in the West of manufacturing and the financialization of the economy.<\/li>\n<li>The rise of China and its different political economic approach and values.<\/li>\n<li>The unresolved urgency of climate change.<\/li>\n<li>Demographics and the increasing challenges for the millennial and subsequent generations who will take over leadership.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The COVID-19 pandemic further exposes all of these issues and the need to return to sound governance, but one that has a vision for change.<\/p>\n<div data-react-class=\"Tweet\" data-react-props=\"{&quot;tweetId&quot;:&quot;1293532721105403904&quot;}\"><\/div>\n<p>Waves of populism result in polarization and a series of counter-movements that have their own populist heroes promising genuine change. An example is Bernie Sanders, who had a legitimate platform but no real plan for gaining mainstream support for it.<\/p>\n<p>Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden\u2019s nod to a progressive platform \u2014 including choosing Sen. Kamala Harris, of Jamaican and Indian origin, as his running mate \u2014 along with his experience governing gives us hope. Maybe this recent wave of destructive populism, in the U.S. anyway, has run its course.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" style=\"border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;\" src=\"https:\/\/counter.theconversation.com\/content\/133200\/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic\" alt=\"The Conversation\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\" \/><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https:\/\/theconversation.com\/republishing-guidelines --><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/profiles\/andy-hira-787120\">Andy Hira<\/a>, Professor of Political Science, <em><a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/institutions\/simon-fraser-university-1282\">Simon Fraser University<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n<p>This article is republished from <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\">The Conversation<\/a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href=\"https:\/\/theconversation.com\/after-trump-and-brexit-the-coming-of-the-progressive-wave-133200\">original article<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In 2016, it seemed to some like the world turned upside down. Donald Trump was elected by a slim margin &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":255280,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-265657","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news","category-news-w","mauthors-andy-hira-simon-fraser-university","mauthors-the-conversation"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/265657","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=265657"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/265657\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":265658,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/265657\/revisions\/265658"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/255280"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=265657"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=265657"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=265657"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}