{"id":216548,"date":"2019-05-29T19:32:26","date_gmt":"2019-05-29T23:32:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=216548"},"modified":"2019-05-29T19:32:26","modified_gmt":"2019-05-29T23:32:26","slug":"why-a-group-of-first-nations-wants-to-own-the-trans-mountain-pipeline","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2019\/05\/29\/why-a-group-of-first-nations-wants-to-own-the-trans-mountain-pipeline\/","title":{"rendered":"Why a group of First Nations wants to own the Trans Mountain pipeline"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/a>
An Indigenous-led initiative to acquire majority ownership\u00a0of\u00a0the Trans Mountain pipeline and expansion could help foster economic independence for First Nations. (File Photo<\/a>: Trans Mountain\/Facebook<\/a>)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The standoff between Indigenous communities \u2014 backed by environmentalists \u2014 and the oil industry has led to regional alienation that is threatening the fabric\u00a0of\u00a0Canada\u00a0in ways not seen since the height\u00a0ofthe Quebec separatist movement.<\/p>\n

We, a business school professor and a former chief\u00a0of\u00a0the Thunderchild First Nation, believe the future\u00a0of\u00a0Canada\u00a0\u2014 a major energy exporter \u2014 must include national economic prosperity, environmental stewardship and social and economic justice for Indigenous peoples.<\/p>\n

An Indigenous-led initiative to acquire majority ownership\u00a0of\u00a0the Trans Mountain pipeline and expansion could help foster economic independence for First Nations. It could give Indigenous people a place at the table making decisions affecting the rivers, streams and oceans on their traditional territories and break the standoff over infrastructure development.<\/p>\n

Different journeys<\/p>\n

We met two years ago after the Thunderchild First Nation acquired a 16 per cent stake in Prairie Thunder Resources, an oil company. The chief asked the professor, who had board experience, to represent Thunderchild on the board.<\/p>\n

Delbert Wapass was born on the Thunderchild First Nation on the Great Plains\u00a0of\u00a0North America. Family oral history has it that he is a descendent\u00a0of\u00a0Sitting Bull, the 19th century Indigenous leader.<\/p>\n

He was the first in his family to attend university, earning a masters\u00a0of\u00a0education. After teaching for several years, he was elected chief\u00a0of\u00a0Thunderchild in 1998 and served until 2002. He was elected vice chief\u00a0of\u00a0the Federation\u00a0of\u00a0Sovereign Indigenous Nations for two terms between 2003 and 2010. He was elected chief\u00a0of\u00a0Thunderchild again in 2010, a post he then held for eight years.<\/p>\n

Delbert looks to the ancestral teachings learned from his grandparents and practises traditional ceremonies to guide his vision for his people. He speaks his native Cree and English.<\/p>\n

Harrie Vredenburg was born in the Netherlands and immigrated to\u00a0Canada\u00a0with his parents. He too was the first in his family to attend university, earning an MBA and PhD, eventually becoming a professor. He speaks his native Dutch and English.<\/p>\n

For Delbert, the vision\u00a0of\u00a0First Nation economic sovereignty comes from being a chief, where the challenge is to provide for his people’s needs \u2014 housing, health care, food, education \u2014 with limited means. And those challenges must be met in a society straddling its traditional lifestyle\u00a0of\u00a0hunting, gathering and agriculture and the dark side\u00a0of\u00a0living in contemporary\u00a0Canada: unemployment, poverty, addictions and suicide.<\/p>\n

Harrie’s interest in Indigenous economic development and environmental and cultural stewardship dates back to the 1970s. He was a guide in the Arctic when Justice Thomas Berger was holding hearings for the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry. This was the first time\u00a0Canada\u00a0recognized and consulted with Indigenous peoples.<\/p>\n

Harrie went on to research oil company collaboration with Indigenous communities in the Amazon and their use\u00a0of\u00a0collaboration with intermediary organizations to bridge the divide between industry and communities. He co-authored a paper developing a model for resource industries to engage ethically with Indigenous peoples that eventually led to a UN Development Program project in Latin America where the oil industry stimulated sustainable economic development for Indigenous communities.<\/p>\n

A pipeline to reconciliation<\/p>\n

Since late 2018, we have both been involved in Project Reconciliation. We are building an inclusive coalition\u00a0of\u00a0Western\u00a0Canada’s Indigenous communities to purchase a 51 per cent stake\u00a0of\u00a0the Trans Mountain pipeline and its expansion.<\/p>\n

Because the initiative is based on mutual respect and places Indigenous people at the centre, the initiative has been well-received by Indigenous and business commentators. All Indigenous communities in British Columbia, Alberta and Saskatchewan have been invited to join.<\/p>\n

The $7.6 billion needed to acquire the stake would come from a syndicated bond, essentially a loan. It would not involve taxpayer money or place up-front costs on First Nations communities, nor is there any liability risk to them should a mishap occur as Trans Mountain, like all pipeline companies regardless\u00a0of\u00a0ownership, carries insurance to cover incidents.<\/p>\n

The pipeline and expansion already have long-term contracts in place to ship oil from Alberta to the marine terminal in Burnaby, B.C. It would generate profits to meet the communities’ high environmental standards \u2014 environmental monitoring, assessment and spill response \u2014 and provide income to build an Indigenous sovereign wealth fund.<\/p>\n

Most\u00a0of\u00a0the income from the pipeline would be channelled into this fund that would be invested, like the oil export sovereign wealth funds\u00a0of\u00a0Norway, Abu Dhabi and Kuwait, in a professionally managed diversified portfolio\u00a0of\u00a0international financial and real assets for long-term returns to Indigenous communities.<\/p>\n

These returns would support investments in Indigenous community sustainable infrastructure, from adequate housing, health care and Indigenous businesses to low-carbon energy.<\/p>\n

Oil remains important to\u00a0Canada<\/p>\n

With a 51 per cent stake in the pipeline, Indigenous communities will have a say in the construction and operation\u00a0of\u00a0the expansion. They can ensure the highest standards for climate, safety, marine environment and spill response.<\/p>\n

The B.C. coastline is home to more than 135 First Nations communities, and it is critical that Indigenous leaders and communities play a significant role in ensuring that this work is carried out responsibly and in a sustainable way.<\/p>\n

Project Reconciliation will engage the First Nations Fisheries Council’s Marine and Environmental Response Program to train and certify marine and environmental response workers in coastal First Nations’ communities, and to connect them to employment opportunities across the marine sector.<\/p>\n

While all Indigenous communities have been invited to join the coalition, some will not, on principle, and that will be respected.<\/p>\n

Despite the global transition to lower carbon energy, the production and export\u00a0of\u00a0oil and oil technologies will remain part\u00a0of\u00a0Canada’s energy portfolio for many decades.\u00a0Canada\u00a0has the third-largest proven oil reserves in the world and is the world’s fourth-largest exporter\u00a0of\u00a0oil.<\/p>\n

The oil industry represents more than 20 per cent\u00a0of\u00a0Canada’s exports and it employs thousands across the country in good jobs. The industry’s royalties and taxes fund government services across\u00a0Canada.<\/p>\n

Oil demand is growing globally, and the United States, once\u00a0Canada’s only oil customer, has become a competitor.\u00a0Canada\u00a0has made technological leaps to meet the growing oil demand, but it needs pipelines to its coasts to reach markets.<\/p>\n

A leader in emissions reduction<\/p>\n

Canada’s oilsands industry is developing technologies to reduce emissions by increasing energy efficiency. The industry is achieving measurable results\u00a0of\u00a0increased energy efficiency and reduced emissions intensity, and is approaching the average energy efficiency and emissions per barrel\u00a0of\u00a0all global oils.<\/p>\n

This means that the label \u201cdirty oil,\u201d sometimes used by opponents to describe the oilsands, is no longer applicable as Canadian oilsands-derived heavy oil, much in demand, is no dirtier (or cleaner) than average oil.<\/p>\n

Waste gas flaring from conventional oil production worldwide has increased since 2010. It has not in\u00a0Canada.\u00a0A recent study concluded that if\u00a0Canada’s minimal flaring practices were adopted worldwide, greenhouse gas emissions per barrel would fall by 23 per cent.<\/p>\n

Despite these environmental advances, activists have blocked pipeline approvals. Without new pipelines, companies have halted major new investments and jobs have not materialized.<\/p>\n

The median incomes on more than 80 per cent\u00a0of\u00a0Indigenous reserves lie below the poverty line, according to data from the 2016 census.<\/p>\n

The federal government has said it is committed to implementing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s calls to action, which includes a call on the business sector to ensure Indigenous Peoples \u201cgain long-term sustainable benefits from economic development projects.\u201d<\/p>\n

The government also supports the UN Declaration on the Rights\u00a0of\u00a0Indigenous Peoples, which articulates Indigenous Peoples’ right to economic development.<\/p>\n

Change, however, has been slow.<\/p>\n

Finance Minister Bill Morneau said discussions\u00a0of\u00a0possible Indigenous ownership could proceed \u201cif the communities had `meaningful economic participation,’ if the deal can proceed in the spirit\u00a0ofreconciliation and if the resulting entity works to the benefit\u00a0of\u00a0all Canadians and on a commercial basis.\u201d<\/p>\n

Project Reconciliation is the concrete execution\u00a0of\u00a0these principles.<\/p>\n

Canada, it is time.<\/p>\n

\u2014\u2014\u2014<\/p>\n

Delbert Wapass, executive chairman\u00a0of\u00a0the Project Reconciliation group and former chief\u00a0of\u00a0Thunderchild First Nation, co-authored this article.<\/p>\n

\u2014\u2014\u2014<\/p>\n

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Disclosure information is available on the original site. Read the original article:<\/p>\n

https:\/\/theconversation.com\/why-a-group-of-first-nations-wants-to-ow<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The standoff between Indigenous communities \u2014 backed by environmentalists \u2014 and the oil industry has led to regional alienation that …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":211998,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[18,16],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-216548","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news-ca","category-news","mauthors-harrie-vredenburg-professor-suncor-chair-in-strategy-sustainability-haskayne-school-of-business-research-fellow-school-of-public-policy-university-of-calgary","mauthors-the-canadian-press"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/216548","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/44"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=216548"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/216548\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":216551,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/216548\/revisions\/216551"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/211998"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=216548"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=216548"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=216548"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}