{"id":192320,"date":"2018-12-03T22:55:12","date_gmt":"2018-12-04T03:55:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=192320"},"modified":"2018-12-03T22:55:12","modified_gmt":"2018-12-04T03:55:12","slug":"wisconsin-gop-uses-rare-session-to-weaken-incoming-governor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2018\/12\/03\/wisconsin-gop-uses-rare-session-to-weaken-incoming-governor\/","title":{"rendered":"Wisconsin GOP uses rare session to weaken incoming governor"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Still stinging from an election loss, Wisconsin Republicans on Monday tried to push through measures that would weaken the incoming Democratic administration and allow outgoing Republican Gov. Scott Walker to make one last major mark on the state’s political landscape after his re-election defeat in November. (File Photo By Gage Skidmore\/Wikimedia <\/a>commons, CC BY-SA 3.0<\/a>)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

MADISON, Wis. \u2014 Still stinging from an election loss, Wisconsin Republicans on Monday tried to push through measures that would weaken the incoming Democratic administration and allow outgoing Republican Gov. Scott Walker to make one last major mark on the state’s political landscape after his re-election defeat in November.<\/p>\n

The measures, part of a rare lame-duck session, would change the 2020 presidential primary date at a cost of millions of dollars to benefit a conservative state Supreme Court justice. They would also diminish the governor’s ability to adopt rules that enact state laws and shield the state jobs agency from his control.<\/p>\n

Angry opponents filled the hallways of the Wisconsin Capitol, and the hearing room, banging on doors and chanting \u201cRespect our votes!\u201d and \u201cShame!\u201d<\/p>\n

Republicans forged ahead despite threats of lawsuits, claims by Democratic Gov.-elect Tony Evers and others that they were trying to invalidate the election results and howls of protest from hundreds of people who showed up for a public hearing.<\/p>\n

The lame-duck manoeuvring in Wisconsin is similar to action taken by Republicans in North Carolina two years ago and is being discussed in Michigan before a Democratic governor takes over there.<\/p>\n

The protests, coming at the end of Walker’s eight years in office, were reminiscent of tumult that came shortly after he took office in 2011, when he moved to end collective bargaining powers for public sector unions.<\/p>\n

Other measures would weaken the attorney general’s office by allowing Republican legislative leaders to intervene in cases and hire their own attorneys. A legislative committee, rather than the attorney general, would have to sign off on withdrawing from federal lawsuits.<\/p>\n

That would stop Evers and incoming Democratic Attorney General Josh Kaul from fulfilling their campaign promises to withdraw Wisconsin from a multi-state lawsuit seeking repeal of the Affordable Care Act.<\/p>\n

Republican Senate Majority Leader Scott Fitzgerald downplayed concerns about the lame-duck session, saying, \u201cI don’t think it’s outrageous at all.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cBut listen, I’m concerned,\u201d he said. \u201cI think that Gov.-elect Evers is going to bring a liberal agenda to Wisconsin.\u201d<\/p>\n

Walker signalled support for the package.<\/p>\n

\u201cAll the talk about reining in power, it really doesn’t,\u201d Walker told reporters Monday afternoon at the executive mansion.<\/p>\n

Fitzgerald said Walker and his chief of staff were deeply involved in crafting the measures.<\/p>\n

Fitzgerald would not say whether there was enough support among Republicans for moving the 2020 presidential primary date, a change that would cost about $7 million and has drawn opposition from nearly every county election official.<\/p>\n

Last week, Fitzgerald said that Republicans want to move the 2020 presidential primary, when Democratic turnout is expected to be high, so it won’t be on the same date as an April election where Walker-appointed Supreme Court Justice Dan Kelly is on the ballot, thereby improving his chances of victory.<\/p>\n

Walker said he has always found it odd that the state holds partisan and nonpartisan races on the same date. The presidential primary is partisan, but state Supreme Court candidates are officially nonpartisan, although Kelly is part of a clear conservative-leaning majority on the high court.<\/p>\n

The state Elections Commission unanimously adopted a motion Monday declaring that the shift would be \u201cextraordinarily difficult\u201d and costly without additional funding. Commissioner Mark Thomsen, a Democratic appointee, called the plan \u201cthe biggest waste of money for a single person that I can think of\u201d during discussion preceding the vote.<\/p>\n

Fitzgerald and other Republican leaders said changes to that proposal and others, including limiting early voting to two weeks before an election, were being considered and could be offered during floor debate Tuesday.<\/p>\n

Similar limitations on early voting were found unconstitutional by a federal judge in 2016, and Democrats have threatened legal action again.<\/p>\n

A news conference where Fitzgerald and other Republican leaders spoke was peppered with catcalls from protesters.<\/p>\n

A Republican-controlled legislative committee planned to hold a public hearing for eight hours Monday, before taking votes late in the night to set up final approval in the Senate and Assembly on Tuesday.<\/p>\n

The votes to pass the sweeping package of bills would come about a month before Evers is slated to take office.<\/p>\n

It was the first lame-duck session in Wisconsin in eight years. The last such session happened just before Walker took office, when Democrats tried unsuccessfully to approve union contracts.<\/p>\n

Last month, Democrats won every constitutional office, including governor and attorney general.<\/p>\n

Evers vowed to fight the session, saying lawsuits were being explored. He called on the people of Wisconsin to contact their legislators even as the bills were speeding through. They were just made public late Friday .<\/p>\n

\u201cThis is rancour and politics as usual,\u201d Evers said in written testimony to the committee. \u201cIt flies in the face of democratic institutions and the checks and balances that are intended to prevent power-hungry politicians from clinging to control when they do not get their way.\u201d<\/p>\n

The executive director of One Wisconsin Now, which filed a lawsuit challenging the previous attempt to limit early voting, said the GOP’s latest effort shows they \u201crefuse to accept the results of the 2018 elections\u201d and are worried about large voter turnout.<\/p>\n

About 565,000 people voted early in the November elections.<\/p>\n

Democratic lawmakers who sit on the committee holding the hearing Monday said the scope of the lame-duck session was unprecedented.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt’s a power grab,\u201d said Democratic state Sen. Jon Erpenbach. \u201cThey lost and they’re throwing a fit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Erpenbach said expected legal challenges to what is passed could \u201cgrind things to a halt\u201d in the Legislature for as much as a year.<\/p>\n

Republicans have had majorities in the state Senate and Assembly since 2011 and worked with Walker to pass a host of conservative priorities. The GOP will maintain its majorities in the Legislature next year when Evers takes over.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

MADISON, Wis. \u2014 Still stinging from an election loss, Wisconsin Republicans on Monday tried to push through measures that would …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":192327,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-192320","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news","category-news-w","mauthors-scott-bauer","mauthors-the-associated-press"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/192320","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/44"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=192320"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/192320\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/192327"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=192320"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=192320"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=192320"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}