{"id":158202,"date":"2018-03-26T02:56:10","date_gmt":"2018-03-26T06:56:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/?p=158202"},"modified":"2018-03-26T02:56:10","modified_gmt":"2018-03-26T06:56:10","slug":"myanmar-skirts-maximum-pressure-despite-north-korea-ties","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/2018\/03\/26\/myanmar-skirts-maximum-pressure-despite-north-korea-ties\/","title":{"rendered":"Myanmar skirts &#8216;maximum pressure&#8217; despite North Korea ties"},"content":{"rendered":"<figure id=\"attachment_158215\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-158215\" style=\"width: 640px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><a href=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/640px-Flag_of_Myanmar.svg_-1.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-158215\" src=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/640px-Flag_of_Myanmar.svg_-1.png\" alt=\"The U.N. report cited an unidentified member state as saying that Myanmar had an \u201congoing arms relationship\u201d with the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation, or KOMID, and \u201cwas expecting future shipments.\u201d KOMID is the North's primary arms dealer and main exporter of ballistic missiles and conventional weapons, and is blacklisted by both the U.S. and the U.N. (Photo by Open Clip Art, CC0)\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/640px-Flag_of_Myanmar.svg_-1.png 640w, https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/640px-Flag_of_Myanmar.svg_-1-300x200.png 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\" \/><\/a><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-158215\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.N. report cited an unidentified member state as saying that Myanmar had an \u201congoing arms relationship\u201d with the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation, or KOMID, and \u201cwas expecting future shipments.\u201d KOMID is the North&#8217;s primary arms dealer and main exporter of ballistic missiles and conventional weapons, and is blacklisted by both the U.S. and the U.N.<a href=\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/w\/index.php?curid=30801923\"> (Photo by Open Clip Art, CC0)<\/a><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>WASHINGTON &#8211; The Trump administration has slapped sanctions on companies across the globe to punish illicit trade with nuclear-armed North Korea, yet Myanmar, which is suspected of acquiring ballistic missile systems from the pariah state, has escaped the full force of the \u201cmaximum pressure\u201d campaign.<\/p>\n<p>U.S. lawmakers of both parties say that&#8217;s a worrying gap in the U.S. sanctions regime. A recent United Nations report cites Myanmar&#8217;s \u201congoing\u201d arms relationship with North Korea &#8211; underscoring long-standing suspicions Myanmar has failed to sever those military ties as it has transitioned to democracy.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI want Burma to succeed,\u201d Republican Sen. Cory Gardner told The Associated Press, using the alternative name for Myanmar.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI want its civilian leadership to succeed. But we can&#8217;t stand idly by and watch this military trade with the tyrant in North Korea,\u201d said Gardner, who chairs a Senate panel on Asia.<\/p>\n<p>Republican Rep. Ed Royce, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, also said Myanmar officials \u201cbuying arms and propping up the North Korean regime\u201d must be sanctioned.<\/p>\n<p>President Barack Obama lifted all sanctions on Myanmar in the fall of 2016 after Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was elected to power, ending five decades of army rule. That removed dozens of people and companies that had been blacklisted by the Treasury Department for human rights abuses and ties to the junta. But it also provided a reprieve to a handful of Myanmar companies and military officials accused of military trade with North Korea that violated U.N. Security Council resolutions.<\/p>\n<p>After President Donald Trump took office, Myanmar&#8217;s main player in that trade, the Directorate for Defence Industries, was designated again, but this time under a weaker sanctions authority that restricts it from U.S. government contracts and export licensing. However, the other Myanmar companies and persons that used to be blacklisted have not been sanctioned again, and none has been put back on the Treasury Department&#8217;s list of Specially Designated Nationals. Such a designation bars them from holding any U.S. property, doing business with Americans and conducting transactions in the U.S. financial system.<\/p>\n<p>Joseph DeThomas, a former senior State Department sanctions expert, said that for any reputable company it&#8217;s bad to be under any U.S. sanctions, but \u201cnothing makes your life more miserable than having every bank in the world know you are on the SDN list.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The U.N. report, recently made public, says the Directorate for Defence Industries maintains a \u201csophisticated global procurement network.\u201d It also mentioned Soe Min Htike Co. Ltd and Excellence Mineral Manufacturing Co. Ltd, two Myanmar companies that were also once on the Treasury blacklist.<\/p>\n<p>SDN listing is a tool that Trump has used extensively on North Korea in his \u201cmaximum pressure\u201d campaign that he credits for North Korean leader Kim Jong Un&#8217;s recent offer of negotiations on \u201cdenuclearization.\u201d Despite president&#8217;s surprise consent to a hold a summit with Kim by May, the administration says the campaign will continue until North Korea takes concrete action to end its nuclear program.<\/p>\n<p>In the past year, the U.S. has blacklisted about 200 companies, banks, persons and ships based in North Korea, China, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the Marshall Islands, Russia, Georgia, the United Arab Emirates and Vietnam. That has intensified North Korea&#8217;s economic isolation in support of U.N. sanctions that have cut deeply into the North&#8217;s export earnings.<\/p>\n<p>Myanmar is still a potentially important source of funds for Pyongyang.<\/p>\n<p>When it was under junta rule, it likely became the biggest customer in Asia for North Korean armaments, said Thomas Countryman, a former top State Department official on nonproliferation. He said that included a production facility for assembling short-range ballistic missiles.<\/p>\n<p>As the U.S. normalized diplomatic relations, Myanmar took some positive steps to curtail its North Korea ties by stopping money transfers and restricting the activities of North Korean personnel. Myanmar also told U.S. officials it had cancelled North Korean contracts, Countryman said.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThere were several points at which we were assured that everything had stopped. Then it began to be clear that it hadn&#8217;t,\u201d he said. That reflected differences between the civilian government, which wanted to sever the ties, and the powerful military, which did not, he said.<\/p>\n<p>Myanmar is increasingly in Washington&#8217;s bad books again for a scorched-earth crackdown on Rohingya Muslims that the U.S. has called \u201cethnic cleansing.\u201d The administration has already designated one military official. A bill approved by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last month seeks sanctions on others responsible atrocities. The legislation would also require SDN listing for any Myanmar officials purchasing arms from North Korea.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMyanmar ending its proliferation relationship with North Korea was supposed to be one of the first returns on U.S.-Burma engagement,\u201d complained Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin, a co-sponsor of the bill. \u201cYet even as the United States has loosened and lessened sanctions on suspected Burmese entities, there are continued revelations of their business dealings with North Korea.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The U.N. report cited an unidentified member state as saying that Myanmar had an \u201congoing arms relationship\u201d with the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation, or KOMID, and \u201cwas expecting future shipments.\u201d KOMID is the North&#8217;s primary arms dealer and main exporter of ballistic missiles and conventional weapons, and is blacklisted by both the U.S. and the U.N.<\/p>\n<p>The report said Myanmar received ballistic missile systems, multiple rocket launchers and surface-to-air missiles, and noted that last year Myanmar expelled a North Korean diplomat for acting on behalf of KOMID &#8211; suggesting an enduring relationship, although the government had told the U.N. panel it had \u201cno substantive bilateral relations\u201d beyond normal diplomatic ties with North Korea.<\/p>\n<p>The Treasury Department wouldn&#8217;t comment on further U.S. action other than to say that \u201cno country, including Burma will get a pass on sanctionable activity with North Korea.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>WASHINGTON &#8211; The Trump administration has slapped sanctions on companies across the globe to punish illicit trade with nuclear-armed North &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":158215,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,17],"tags":[49058,49059,14328,1746],"class_list":["post-158202","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-news","category-news-w","tag-myanmars-ongoing-arms-relationship-with-north-korea","tag-sen-cory-gardner","tag-trump-administration","tag-united-nations","mauthors-matthew-pennington","mauthors-the-associated-press"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/158202","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=158202"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/158202\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/158215"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=158202"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=158202"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/canadianinquirer.net\/v1\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=158202"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}